There is a particular sadness in watching people forget who sent them. It is not the loud kind of sorrow, the one that shouts and marches. It is quieter, deeper—and causes us to boil inside with impotent rage. The incoming House of 2025 came in on the wave of America First MAGA pro-Trump voters, not the old-time GOP. That much we know by recent off-year state elections where MAGA sat on its hands unless the candidate was Trump-endorsed, and the GOP lost big.
The Votes That Revealed the Divide and Showed Their True Colors
This week, in the United States House of Representatives, eighty-one Republicans chose to stand with the permanent Washington apparatus rather than with the voters who entrusted them with power.
They voted against Representative Eli Crane’s amendment to strip $315 million in taxpayer funding from the National Endowment for Democracy—an organization that, whatever its original intentions, is now a vehicle for anti-American globalist adventures abroad and, at times, interference that circles uncomfortably close to home. The amendment failed. The money flows on.
Tonight, the Uniparty rejected my amendment to defund NED.
— Rep. Eli Crane (@RepEliCrane) January 14, 2026
81 ‘republicans’ voted with democrats to fund this rogue organization that fuels global censorship and domestic propaganda.
To see how your representative voted, visit: https://t.co/yXw10mNBiO pic.twitter.com/Vv9CABqpoV
And watch as it heads to the Senate, more fixes
The House voted to defund NED in 1984, by a large 226-173 margin. Then the Republican CIA Director Bill Casey made a backchannel deal with Democrat Senator Bill Proxmire to insert a toothless non-binding agreement with Senate oversight, and the Senate bill kept full NED funding. pic.twitter.com/GVNSZCb0Ps
— Mike Benz (@MikeBenzCyber) January 14, 2026
On the same day, a similar pattern emerged. Representative Chip Roy offered an amendment to defund the staff budgets of certain activist federal judges—most notably James Boasberg and Deborah Boardman—whose courts have issued sweeping nationwide injunctions that frustrate border security, deportations, and the expressed will of the elected branches.
Forty-six Republicans joined every Democrat to defeat it. The judicial blockade remains intact.
Elected Republicans love to complain about judicial tyranny. But when given the chance, they do nothing about it.
— Shawn Fleetwood (@ShawnFleetwood) January 14, 2026
46 House Republicans Help Democrats Defeat Measure Defunding ‘Activist’ Judges Boasberg, Boardman @FDRLST pic.twitter.com/Rzglq1Nl19
These are not isolated votes. They are symptoms of a deeper habit: the habit of arriving in Washington on the strength of a political revolution, basking in its applause, and then quietly resuming the old work of the swamp.
Coattails, Applause, and Contradiction
Many of these members rode Donald Trump’s coattails into office or back into office. They campaigned on his energy, his promises, his blunt refusal to accept the status quo. They flipped districts, held marginal seats, and survived tough primaries because voters believed—truly believed—that this time would be different.
And when Elon Musk, the outsider turned ally in the fight against bureaucratic bloat, appeared before Congress last year and received a standing ovation from Republicans, many of these same members rose enthusiastically to their feet. It was a moment of shared purpose, or so it seemed: the entrepreneur who dares to challenge entrenched power, cheered by those who claimed to do the same.
Yet when the roll was called on matters of real consequence—defunding an entity criticized as a slush fund for regime-change operations, or reining in judges who act as unelected super-legislators—they chose continuity over confrontation. They chose the comfortable path of the Main Street Caucus, the moderate establishment wing that dominates this list. Not a single member of the House Freedom Caucus appears among them.
The Roll Call of Shame
Here are their names, organized by state—a record of those who said one thing to their voters and did another in Washington. Let us remember them when they come up for reelection in the midterms. If you have an opportunity to primary them — take it.
| State | Representative | District |
| Alabama | Robert Aderholt | AL-4 |
| Alabama | Mike Rogers | AL-3 |
| Alabama | Dale Strong | AL-5 |
| Arkansas | Rick Crawford | AR-1 |
| Arkansas | French Hill | AR-2 |
| Arkansas | Bruce Westerman | AR-4 |
| Arkansas | Steve Womack | AR-3 |
| Arizona | Juan Ciscomani | AZ-6 |
| California | Ken Calvert | CA-41 |
| California | Darrell Issa | CA-48 |
| California | Kevin Kiley | CA-3 |
| California | Young Kim | CA-40 |
| California | Jay Obernolte | CA-23 |
| California | David Valadao | CA-22 |
| Colorado | Gabe Evans | CO-8 |
| Colorado | Jeff Hurd | CO-3 |
| Florida | Gus Bilirakis | FL-12 |
| Florida | Vern Buchanan | FL-16 |
| Florida | Mario Diaz-Balart | FL-26 |
| Florida | Scott Franklin | FL-18 |
| Florida | Carlos Gimenez | FL-28 |
| Florida | Mike Haridopolos | FL-8 |
| Florida | Brian Mast | FL-21 |
| Florida | John Rutherford | FL-5 |
| Florida | Maria Salazar | FL-27 |
| Florida | Daniel Webster | FL-11 |
| Iowa | Randy Feenstra | IA-4 |
| Iowa | Ashley Hinson | IA-1 |
| Iowa | Zach Nunn | IA-3 |
| Idaho | Mike Simpson | ID-2 |
| Illinois | Darin LaHood | IL-16 |
| Indiana | Jim Baird | IN-4 |
| Kansas | Ron Estes | KS-4 |
| Kentucky | Brett Guthrie | KY-2 |
| Kentucky | Harold Rogers | KY-5 |
| Michigan | Bill Huizenga | MI-4 |
| Michigan | John Moolenaar | MI-2 |
| Michigan | Tim Walberg | MI-5 |
| Missouri | Mark Alford | MO-4 |
| Missouri | Ann Wagner | MO-2 |
| Nebraska | Don Bacon | NE-2 |
| Nebraska | Mike Flood | NE-1 |
| Nebraska | Adrian Smith | NE-3 |
| New Jersey | Tom Kean | NJ-7 |
| New York | Andrew Garbarino | NY-2 |
| New York | Nick LaLota | NY-1 |
| New York | Mike Lawler | NY-17 |
| New York | Nicole Malliotakis | NY-11 |
| New York | Elise Stefanik | NY-21 |
| New York | Claudia Tenney | NY-24 |
| North Carolina | Chuck Edwards | NC-11 |
| Ohio | Mike Carey | OH-15 |
| Ohio | David Joyce | OH-14 |
| Ohio | Bob Latta | OH-5 |
| Ohio | Dave Taylor | OH-2 |
| Ohio | Michael Turner | OH-10 |
| Oklahoma | Stephanie Bice | OK-5 |
| Oklahoma | Tom Cole | OK-4 |
| Oklahoma | Frank Lucas | OK-3 |
| Oregon | Cliff Bentz | OR-2 |
| Pennsylvania | Rob Bresnahan | PA-8 |
| Pennsylvania | Brian Fitzpatrick | PA-1 |
| Pennsylvania | Mike Kelly | PA-16 |
| Pennsylvania | Ryan Mackenzie | PA-7 |
| Pennsylvania | Daniel Meuser | PA-9 |
| Pennsylvania | Lloyd Smucker | PA-11 |
| South Carolina | Joe Wilson | SC-2 |
| South Dakota | Dusty Johnson | At Large |
| Texas | John Carter | TX-31 |
| Texas | Jake Ellzey | TX-6 |
| Texas | Craig Goldman | TX-12 |
| Texas | Michael McCaul | TX-10 |
| Texas | Nathaniel Moran | TX-1 |
| Texas | August Pfluger | TX-11 |
| Utah | Celeste Maloy | UT-2 |
| Utah | Blake Moore | UT-1 |
| Virginia | Jen Kiggans | VA-2 |
| Virginia | Rob Wittman | VA-1 |
| Washington | Michael Baumgartner | WA-5 |
| Washington | Dan Newhouse | WA-4 |
This is not mere disagreement on policy. It is a breach of trust. And it cannot be allowed to stand as the final word.
A Call to End the Zombie Filibuster
If we are serious about change—if we truly wish to drain the swamp rather than merely redecorate it—then we must confront the structural obstacles that protect the status quo. Chief among them is the Senate’s “zombie filibuster,” that silent, undead rule requiring sixty votes to advance most legislation. It is not the robust, talking filibuster of old, where a senator must stand and speak until exhaustion. It is a phantom, invoked by mere threat, allowing a minority to paralyze the majority indefinitely.
End it. Restore simple majority rule for most matters, as the Founders largely intended. Force debate into the open. Let the American people see who stands for what, without the coward’s cloak of procedural obscurity.
Only then can the people’s House—and a reformed Senate—begin the real work of reclaiming the government for those who sent them. The hour is late, but it is not too late. The voters remember. And they are watching.
