In its final weeks, the Biden administration prepared a plan to dump more than 3.1 million additional noncitizens into the Temporary Protected Status program. An internal memo, recently brought to light, laid out options to create or expand TPS designations covering roughly 1.5 million Guatemalans, 600,000 Ecuadorians, 464,000 Nicaraguans, hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans, and smaller numbers from other countries. The authors knew the processing time for new TPS applications runs about six months. That was the point. The goal was to hand the Trump administration a massive backlog, force years of litigation, and lock in protections that would be difficult and time-consuming to unwind. This was not humanitarian policy. It was bureaucratic warfare against the voters’ clear choice.
BREAKING: I am releasing a newly obtained internal Presidential memorandum from the Biden White House.
It details how Biden was advised to block President Trump’s deportation of 3.1 MILLION noncitizens—including Tren de Aragua members—through “Temporary” Protected Status. pic.twitter.com/oIquq3pRm7
— Senator Eric Schmitt (@SenEricSchmitt) July 23, 2026
The Scale and the Timing
TPS was designed as a narrow, temporary shield for people already in the United States when their home country suffered a sudden crisis—war, earthquake, or epidemic. Under Biden it ballooned into a de facto amnesty pipeline. By the end of the administration the program covered well over a million people. The final memo went further. It contemplated brand-new designations that would have added millions more. Advisors explicitly noted past court blocks on Trump’s earlier efforts to terminate TPS and expected more lawsuits. They recommended creating 2.1 million new designees in the closing weeks despite the known processing lag. Some extensions for existing groups (Venezuela, El Salvador, Ukraine, Sudan) were pushed through into 2026. The full expansion was not completed, but the intent and the partial execution are now documented.
Why It Was Cynical
The six-month processing reality was not a secret. Flooding the system with new applications in the final days guaranteed that the incoming team would inherit an enormous administrative burden. Every new designation triggers notice-and-comment requirements, litigation risk, and operational overload at USCIS. Terminating TPS later requires new country-condition findings, more litigation, and political attacks. The memo treated that friction as a feature. It was a classic midnight regulation strategy: bind the successor with facts on the ground and procedural traps. Voters had just rejected open-borders policies. The outgoing team tried to make reversing them as costly as possible.
The memo openly discusses rushing TPS extensions/redesignations and new designations before January 20 specifically to shield people from “President-elect Trump’s planned mass deportations.”
It frames the lame duck’s team’s actions as a deliberate barrier. pic.twitter.com/M6um8kVE13
— Senator Eric Schmitt (@SenEricSchmitt) July 23, 2026
The Real-World Consequences
TPS recipients receive work authorization and protection from deportation. Expanding it to millions of people already present—many of whom entered illegally or overstayed—creates a large protected class that is expensive to remove and politically radioactive to touch. It signals to the world that American elections can be partially nullified by last-minute administrative action. It also strains the immigration bureaucracy that is already drowning in backlogs. The Trump administration has spent its early period terminating designations country by country, fighting court injunctions, and trying to restore the original temporary character of the program. That time and effort could have been spent on enforcement and border security instead of untangling deliberate obstacles.
The Venezuela redesignation alone would have shielded another 455,000 people from deportation, possibly including Tren de Aragua members.
The Biden Administration laughed off possibly unleashing a Venezuelan terrorist gang inside America as a partisan argument. pic.twitter.com/y27SpX851p
— Senator Eric Schmitt (@SenEricSchmitt) July 23, 2026
The Pattern
This fits a broader pattern of late-term actions designed to constrain the next administration: parole expansions, catch-and-release practices, and regulatory changes that create vested interests and litigation. TPS was supposed to be temporary. Under the previous administration it became a near-permanent status for large national groups. Attempting to super-size it on the way out the door was an admission that the policy could not survive democratic accountability. The memo’s existence confirms what critics argued at the time: the goal was not temporary protection but long-term insulation from removal.
America’s immigration system works only when temporary programs remain temporary and when outgoing administrations respect the results of elections. The TPS gambit violated both principles. The current administration is correctly treating the designations as the temporary measures they were always meant to be. The backlog and the lawsuits were the intended price of that correction. Voters deserved better than a final act of bureaucratic sabotage.
